A door opens to me. I go in and am faced with a hundred closed doors
Antonio Porchia (Voces, 1943; translated)

Saturday, September 8, 2012

Merce Rodoreda: Death in spring

A cobloggers review of Merce's deeply dark and morbid book about a violently savage village - that eerily resembles postwar Spain - she wrote it from her spot of exile of Geneva, where she spent years publishing her writing, quietly, waiting for the day she could return home to Catalunya.




Enjoy!

http://triumphlit.blogspot.com/2011/04/review-merce-rodoredas-death-in-spring.html

Tuesday, July 31, 2012

Ser and estar, rapped and deconstructed

Five weeks of learning and living in Valencia, Spain has brought me inspiration, creativity and motivation to continue my love of learning and teaching spanish. Of course, the internet is a valuable tool for accessing what is out there, not having to reinvent the wheel, or in the case of this youtube video, how younger students are interpreting their lessons.
My latest favorite is the rap on ser and estar - which comment aside don´t necessarily need to be learned in opposition to each other, but one first, then the other. Separating opposites helps the student grasp and establish cognitively one concept before moving onto the next - other examples are por and para, the verb past verb tenses, etc...

Enjoy! Que disfruten!
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lY10_T_ROq4&feature=related

Sunday, November 27, 2011

Double standards and the housefrau

Spending another grey, rainy weekend inside doing research for another paper/article while I fulfill my duties as housefrau extraordinaire. Today I'm reading an article on Angeles Mastretta, Mexican writer (see in Spanish it would be escritora which would alert you to the gender of the writer but in English the 'other' needs to be identified as woman writer) who writes about women from a woman's point of view, feminine voice and feminist perspective. Interesting tidbit that we all know in the fight for women's equality (yes, it is still ongoing) and unraveling the mystery of women's identity:




(de Beer, 225).



Of course my favorite question asked is the birth control one - it is the burden of the woman to prevent pregnancy and if she is not successful, becomes pregnant then her and the child become a burden to society. Still in this day and age that mentality exist - if birth control was labeled sex control then maybe it would be an acceptable practice for heterosexual men to take more responsibility for their sperm.



This piece on Mastretta was written almost 15 years ago and not much has changed...



A good book: Arrancame la vida, by Angeles Mastretta (Tear my Heart out - popular Mexican bolero) a novel based during the years of the tumultuous Mexican Revolution and the story, a bildungsroman, about a young girl who marries a soon to be powerful and violent politician, as her life progresses and unravels we experience through the use of her narrative voice, reflecting on her life - her children, her husband and his cheating ways both in love and politics, her short-lived love affair, her attempt at becoming an independent mature woman and the assigned roles she plays the befit her social standing at the time. Only at the end, does she become free from all patriarchal constraints and can hope to finally live for herself.






Friday, October 28, 2011

!Las mujeres sostienen la mitad del cielo!

¡Las Mujeres Sostienen la Mitad del Cielo!


-Con motivo del 100º aniversario del Día Internacional de la Mujer-

Declaración de la Organización Revolucionaria Laboral Revolucionaria, EUA

Marzo 2011
 
Ensayo y declaracion a proposito de las condiciones de la mujeres trabajadoras, militantes y campesinas por el mundo que estan experimentando la crisis capitalista mundial y necesitan la solidaridad.
 
Nos complace anunciar la formación el pasado otoño de la Coordinación Internacional de Partidos y Organizaciones Revolucionarias (ICOR) que consiste de aproximadamente 30 organizaciones de todo el mundo. Su objetivo positivo es actividad revolucionaria internacional coordinado, tales como los sucesos en torno a este 100º aniversario del Día Internacional de la Mujer Trabajadora. Así, la serie de eventos para celebrar el Día Internacional de la Mujer que la Organización Laboral Revolucionaria, EUA ha iniciado y/o apoyado se llevan a cabo en el espíritu de la solidaridad internacional proletaria.

http://www.mltranslations.org/US/ROL/IWDspn.pdf

Para acompanar este tema de que la mujer sostiene a la mitad del cielo - pueden leer el libro:
 Half the Sky: Turning Oppression Into Opportunity for Women Worldwide [Book] by Nicholas D. Kristof, Sheryl WuDunn  ~
" a passionate call to arms against our era's most pervasive human rights violation: the oppression of women and girls in the developing world. With Pulitzer Prize winners Nicholas D. Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn as our guides, we undertake an odyssey through Africa and Asia to meet the extraordinary women struggling there, among them a Cambodian teenager sold into sex slavery and an Ethiopian woman who suffered devastating injuries in childbirth."





Thursday, October 20, 2011

what I'm reading...

interesting book review on a memoir of surviving life and a career in Higher Education (well, a rural institution and the academics, students and staff that roam its halls)...

Read more: http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2011/10/19/new_memoir_on_an_academic_career_spent_outside_the_ivy_league#ixzz1bMWLsG66







'This Is Not the Ivy League'October 19, 2011 - 3:00am


By Serena Golden

This Is Not the Ivy League, declares the title of Mary Clearman Blew’s new memoir.



That’s one way of putting it.



Blew, now professor of English at the University of Idaho, spent much of her academic career at Northern Montana College (now Montana State University–Northern) in Havre, Montana -- a town not far from the Canadian border, with a population smaller than that of many college campuses. This is Not the Ivy League (University of Nebraska Press) focuses primarily on that part of Blew's life, and while it is a personal account of one woman and one time period (the late 1960s-'80s), it is also -- as the title suggests -- a portrait of a certain sphere of higher education that may sound familiar to many in academe today.



A Montana native, Blew hadn’t intended to return to her home state, let alone to such an isolated outpost; upon completing her doctorate at the University of Missouri at Columbia, she had moved with her husband and children to Seattle, because it was “their dream city.” But in the contracting academic job market of 1969, an assistant professorship at Northern Montana was the only faculty job she could find; she was determined not to settle for a job outside academe, though that same determination filled her with self-doubt. “[D]id she think she was too good for a secretarial job? What gave her that idea? It was 1969, after all…” reflects Blew (who in parts of her genre-bending memoir writes of herself in the third person).



One can only imagine what additional determination was required for Blew to convince her husband to leave Seattle (and a high-school teaching job he liked) for small-town Montana. For its part, the college was only too happy to have her; though Blew didn’t know it at the time, Northern was in an accreditation-related bind that necessitated an immediate influx of assistant professors with Ph.D.s.



Thus began Blew’s nearly two decades in Havre. Her time there encompassed two marriages (the breakdown of each is chronicled in ruthless detail); the birth of her third child; an assortment of scandals and disasters at Northern (including, perhaps most memorably, an apparently unbalanced colleague who spun wild tales of a “homosexual ring” plotting to “take over” the college); and a number of crises in her own life, including a period, after the breakdown of her first marriage, when she drank heavily and slept with students.



A New York Times review describes the book as, “a kind of anti-memoir – an incredulous account, a catalog of confusion,” marked by “unflinching self-scrutiny.” But while This Is Not the Ivy League is long on melancholy navel-gazing (it is a memoir, after all), it is also an evocative depiction of life at a small, regional public with a shoestring budget -- that is, of a quiet but considerable portion of academe.



“Ours was not the heady world of research grants, conference travel, or selective admission of students,” Blew writes, “but a world of our own creation where nobody outside our four-thousand-square-mile ‘service area’ paid much attention to what we said or did.”



Of the campus environment after a series of devastating budget cuts, she writes, “[T]hose who kept our jobs saw the empty offices and the faculty mailboxes from which names had been torn.…We knew now … that better jobs weren’t going to be offered to people who had been isolated and out of touch with their fields of study for years. For us there would be no other jobs.”



Of her students at Northern: “[They] cared little about ‘education’ in the sense that most of us understood the word, but rather were looking for training in skills that would help them find jobs. They sat sullenly in the precollege composition classes … and wondered why they had to take English.”



No, this is definitely not the Ivy League. But the book's title – an old joke from Blew’s time at Northern, when one faculty member used to say, "At Yale, we used to…" only to be rebuffed by shouts of, "This is not the Ivy League!" – is more than simply wry self-deprecation; it’s also an expression of affectionate pride, a sort of underdog’s cheer.



“One of the things that I was thinking about,” Blew explained in an interview with Inside Higher Ed, “was how much education in this country goes on outside the Ivy League... [W]e hear a lot about the 'best schools in the country,' [but] there are lots and lots of small colleges and community colleges where really excellent education goes on under pretty difficult circumstances, both for faculty and students, and they largely go unsung.”



For all Blew’s myriad complaints about apathetic students, slashed budgets, and incompetent or malicious colleagues (such as one former president of Northern whom she dubs “Studly” -- the epithet is not a compliment); for all that the detailed recollections of her own partying and liaisons would make any administrator’s blood run cold (“I don’t think I ever had an affair with somebody I was teaching,” she told Inside Higher Ed); still it is clear that she was, and remains, passionate about Northern and the work that she did there.



Her dedication to and pride in the college are particularly evident in her descriptions of two very different roles she took on during her time in Havre: first, directing and producing the plays performed by students in the theater program (an uncompensated and labor-intensive position she took on at the students' request); and later, serving as dean of arts and sciences. This latter role, thanks to some unanticipated institutional restructuring, put Blew in charge of Northern's nursing program -- at a time when "the National League for Nursing was recommending a baccalaureate degree as the minimum qualification for all registered nurses," but Northern only offered the associate degree. Thus she found herself, with the help of the nursing faculty, designing a baccalaureate degree in a subject with which she was utterly unfamiliar. It took two years of work to create a program that would meet the college's needs and the state nursing board's requirements, and that multi-entry, multi-exit nursing program still exists at MSU--Northern today.



More than 25 years later, Blew sounds justly proud of the achievement, writing that after all of the research she did on the theory and practice of nursing, the faculty members she worked with "speculated that, if they could just figure out a way to sneak me into the state nursing board exams ... I would pass the written part."



While Blew has now been teaching at the University of Idaho for nearly as long as she spent in Havre -- and has enjoyed a successful writing career -- she still identifies strongly with the mission and the struggles of institutions like Northern. "These small colleges and universities are always, always in a financial bind, always," she told Inside Higher Ed -- making particular mention of community colleges. It is "essential," she said, for such institutions to be able to "get students educated, at least get them job training ... at least open doors for people."



(If This Is Not the Ivy League conveys a certain ambivalence about Northern, the university is not attacking the account. Contacted about the book, MSU-Northern's director of university relations, Jim Potter, replied by e-mail: “We are happy for the success of Dr. Mary Clearman Blew’s latest book. As Dr. Blew has grown and become successful so have we. We are pleased to say, Northern has made some major strides from the Northern she describes in her book.")



As for Blew's own story, she said, she hopes readers may find in it "kind of a testament to -- 'just keep doing it.' You'll make mistakes whatever you try, there will be setbacks, but just keep going."





Inside Higher Ed

Coffee break - sipping revolution with some mediation to sweeten it up

Mediation - what should I think when my workplace has such turmoil that we need to call in mediation? Whether it will be a well-trained mediator or a poorly trained mediator is one factor to consider as well as what is this really all about?
Words such as toxic, irresponsible, hostile... etc.. have been thrown around for months by both sides, when there is more at stake than who said what.
As a trained peacekeeper (Seattle, WTO 1999) I cannot willingly and consciously participate in the hate and destruction that pervades this office - or should I just say disagreement, there much more palatable.

I turned to the web to re-educate myself on mediation and more importantly progressive dispute resolution for we should first admit there is a dispute (or more than one) and not just a need for mediation. This is what I read during my coffee break - made from beans in a country far away that itself thrives on conflict and may/may not have resolved its disputes through progressive dispute resolution, but I'd like to think it was so.
Enjoy -

http://www.guerrillalaw.com/mediation.html


By Chris Gus Kanios





Most of us learn only two basic approaches to conflict. We either stand up and fight or we retreat. We often stay silent, convinced that speaking up will not be productive or that greater conflict may result from a confrontation. Sometimes, however, we go ahead and challenge our adversary with the goal of getting our way, of winning the argument. Some of us have become very good at getting our way.



The American legal system is founded primarily on this win or lose adversarial model. It is the only dispute resolution model most lawyers have experienced. To its credit, this approach has often assisted noble and heroic struggles that have improved or protected the human rights of countless numbers of people. Adversarial engagement has often been at the center of radical political lawyering: to confront, challenge and defeat a powerful adversary. The prospect of advocating forcefully in legal arenas to effect positive social change has motivated many idealistic people to enter the legal profession.



Advocacy has been and is still needed to protect people from powerful forces that will not listen to reason, will not budge from unfair positions, or who otherwise exercise their power in an oppressive fashion. There may always be the need for a legal avenue based on this model given the polarization of society, the vulnerability of less powerful populations, and the discriminatory, greedy, or oppressive tendencies of the dominant culture.



We have, however, all seen the shortcomings of the adversarial system repeatedly played out to the detriment of the participants in the legal system. Even when advocating for a thoroughly legitimate position, the adversarial process steals the opportunity for healing, reconciliation, or transformation. Winning dominates the motivation of the parties and their representatives. Truth often becomes a casualty when standing in the way of victory. Honesty, openness, and vulnerability are dangerous strategies. The process often brands participants as lifelong adversaries regardless of the outcome. Even when the ‘right’ result has been achieved, hearts and minds are not positively transformed by the experience, they are hardened. The opportunity for any positive change to take place has been lost.



Far too often we have romanticized the ability of the adversarial system to protect against injustice. The odds are virtually always in favor of parties who have the resources to wage legal battles and who enjoy the biases of the legal system. Even when individual rights can be vindicated, underlying societal conditions are rarely transformed. A landowner, for example, might continue to act in selfish, disrespectful ways, despite being forced to rescind an unfair eviction in one isolated incident. Specific overt discriminatory practices may be prohibited as the result of litigation, but the discriminatory ideologies that motivated those practices in the first place have not been transformed and will continue to act covertly or openly in other discriminatory paths. Instead of being an arena to protect the less powerful from abuses of the powerful, the legal system often helps perpetuate the existing power imbalances, leaving the parties to continue their harmful practices.



Finally, the very existence of the adversarial model as the dominant model of dispute resolution emphatically endorses aggressive, individualistic, and selfish tendencies, characteristics that we otherwise recognize as detrimental to a more just and humane society. The process does not promote mutual understanding and recognition. The adversarial model promotes a win or lose syndrome, with participants directing their real needs for respect, consideration, and compassion into one-dimensional legal arguments, often unrelated to the underlying conflicts. Adversaries are to be defeated, not won over, punished, not transformed.



Fighting is certainly not the ideal way to resolve conflict. We prefer a model where such combativeness is unnecessary, where adversaries acknowledge their common humanity, where serious reflection permits one or both of the parties to re-evaluate their views and adopt a more compassionate and just approach to the conflict, and where each party feels respected, not demonized, even when in disagreement. Through such a process, more and more people would learn to empathize with others and seek creative and respectful resolutions to conflict.



Even advocates for social justice who espouse utopic-leaning values are often unable to empathize with adversaries or otherwise engage with them in a way that might transform their thinking. The adversarial system certainly doesn’t promote such engagement. The advocates, therefore, end up directing their compassion and concern only for those victimized by the powerful, who are then to be punished and demonized, despite the overwhelming need for the powerful ones to be transformed and the dynamic of the conflict to change. We develop a somewhat schizophrenic approach by advocating for peace, justice, and harmony, fantasizing about a world of peaceful and respectful interactions, while often aggressively seeking to humiliate, injure, and punish, not transform, those we identify as wrongdoers. Our conviction that such punishment is deserved or that our adversaries are not worthy of redemption is at the core of the adversarial model. Many have come to realize that this adversarial approach is not working to create more just and humane communities despite the good intentions of many of its practitioners. They also recognize productive social change must mean more than legal victories in individual cases.



The South African model of truth telling, reconciliation, accountability and forgiveness, even with all its critiques, has been a powerful influence in compelling many of us to seriously consider alternatives to our existing adversarial model. It lends confidence to the search for a better approach to conflict resolution, challenging us to envision a better system, forcing us to reconsider our fear that things might be too difficult to change.



So, although it is critically important to provide protection and advocacy when people may be unfairly harmed, we also need to seek creative ways to respond to the conflicts and injustices that exist in our society so that we all have the opportunity to change, to reflect on our beliefs, values, and conduct, and become better people in all aspects of our lives.







The primary alternative to the adversarial system that currently is receiving so much attention is mediation. There is a wide range of practices that fall under the umbrella of mediation. We believe that much of what currently is practiced as mediation differs only slightly from what occurs in adversarial models. On the other hand, mediation can be practiced in a transformative manner, embodying progressive values and goals. As progressive mediators, our practice seeks a model of dispute resolution that promotes self-determination, mutual respect, and understanding, while ensuring that genuine voices of concern for justice and fairness are not drowned out in an effort to quickly and cheaply adjudicate disputes in the private arena.



Despite its increase in popularity, most people are unfamiliar with the fundamental qualities that distinguish virtually all models of mediation from the pure adversarial experience.



First, parties to a dispute in mediation do not turn over decision-making authority to a third party such as a judge or arbitrator. In mediation, the dispute cannot be resolved unless both parties agree with the result. The mediator is neutral as to the outcome of the dispute, but is very active as to the process itself. The mediation model rejects, therefore, the practice of one party "winning" or "losing". In mediation, both parties are confronted with the need to gain the agreement of the other. The process supports the empowering vision that parties in conflict can resolve their differences without turning the power to do so over to a third party.



Second, the parties in mediation usually meet directly with one another, and reveal their stories and concerns in their own voice to the mediator, often without the presence of attorneys. Our model assumes that people can, under appropriate circumstances, speak for themselves and reveal their real needs and interests. This practice also has the effect of promoting mutual understanding and recognition among the parties, a goal basically irrelevant in the adversarial model, but central to mediation. The adversarial model promotes a dependence on professionals, translates the voice of real human concerns and pain into narrow legal arguments, and often deprives the participants of the opportunity to gain greater understandings and new skills which may help them deal more effectively with conflicts that will arise later in their lives. Mediation seeks a different result.



Third, the goal of a thoughtful mediation process is to come up with remedies and solutions that respond to the real underlying interests and needs of all parties, not just to cut a deal based on the best one could hope for under the circumstances. A thoughtful mediator promotes creative problem solving by the parties. At a minimum, the mediator promotes greater mutual understanding that itself often may often lead to satisfactory results. This characteristic of mediation allows participants to step back from the language of unconditional demands and non-negotiable positions to explore the needs and interests underlying those positions. Mediation allows the parties to fashion remedies that can creatively respond to those needs and interests, perhaps with options that had not previously been considered within an adversarial context.



The mediation model, therefore, seeks an approach where participants stand up for themselves, are given time and support to express their true concerns and interests, are heard and understood by each other, even when in disagreement, and are empowered to develop creative agreements that respond to their real concerns. It is a tall order that is not easily achieved, but is one that holds great promise.







Modernly, mainstream mediation practice has been characterized primarily as a cheaper, more efficient settlement device used to keep cases away from expensive attorneys and costly court fights where the combative dynamic can reach new heights. In this regard, the settlement conference model has value. Settlement of issues will certainly save time and money. Emotionally charged litigants, for example, may benefit by hearing sobering legal realities from a respected and informed neutral source. But the parties are still acting under the shadow of the adversarial model.



Yes, both parties must approve decisions, but mainstream mediators use their professional status and skills to pressure parties into compromises and settlements that the mediator believes are fair results, often by referencing prevailing legal doctrine. Under this approach, mainstream mediators act more as settlement conference judges, listening to each side and then caucusing with each party to assert influence on the actual outcome of the dispute. Parties rarely obtain a sense of justice or satisfaction under such conditions. Their real underlying interests and needs are often not addressed. There is little opportunity to be heard or understood by the other side. There is little opportunity to hear any validation, change of heart or regret. The only topic under discussion is how to split up the existing pie given the ability to predict how a court would decide the case if a settlement could not be reached. Everyone usually keeps their poker faces in place.



The settlement conference model of mediation often replicates the feelings of powerlessness and alienation that many participants experience in the formal legal arena. The goal of mutual understanding takes a back seat to the goal of settling the case. The mediator is so busy meeting privately with each side that there is rarely even an opportunity for the parties to hear each other in a non-adversarial setting. Compromise and settlement are the priorities, not mutual understanding.



There is a real risk that the "quick fix" approach misses an enormous opportunity to promote a more productive, humanitarian, respectful, and empowering means of approaching, resolving, or respectfully acknowledging differences.







We try to promote a model of mediation that is dedicated to self-empowerment, mutual understanding and recognition, and justice. This model is currently practiced by a small number of mediators, but is in danger of being overwhelmed by the "settlement conference" model being promoted and adopted by many in the legal profession. This progressive model of mediation seeks to create an environment where parties can truly be heard and understood. We believe that working to develop mutual understanding by people in conflict and across personal and cultural barriers is potentially a revolutionary practice that can have applications in a variety of private and public settings. In addition to cases of individual disputes, this practice can have a valuable application for community groups dealing with internal conflict, conflict with former allies or conflict with established adversaries.



Too often, mainstream mediation practice will focus on achieving harmony at the expense of justice or fairness. Parties may be pressured to repress their legitimate concerns and needs in order to "make peace." The goal of progressive mediation should be to promote understandings and resolutions that specifically respond to the sense of justice of the parties, not just to cut a deal that will keep the parties out of court. In doing this, it is recognized that past wounds may have to be explored, that opportunities for reconciliation and forgiveness may need to be incorporated into the process, and that the forward-looking tendency of traditional mediation may have to slow down enough to allow the parties to voice their true feelings and issues. The mediator will also need to take great care to remain truly neutral, allowing the parties themselves to reach new understandings and agreements instead of being pressured to accept the mediator’s view of what would be a fair and just resolution. And progressive mediators need to make their skills accessible to all in the community, not just those who can easily afford to pay for such professional services.



The risk of mediation is that the inequities and biases of the traditional dispute resolution model get replicated, that participants do not experience deeper understanding or recognition, that culturally incompetent mediators impede cross-cultural understanding, that power imbalances do not get adequately neutralized, that participants get manipulated into agreements that do not respond to their true needs and interests, that mediation becomes a quick, cheap way to settle disputes instead of an opportunity to improve human relations and promote justice, that it deprives the community of public forums to deal with important issues, or that it may drain a social movement of vital passion that may be necessary to move forward.



Recognizing the value of mediative approaches does not mean that adversarial approaches should never be undertaken. Some conflicts may be completely unsuitable for mediation. For example, we do not believe that mediation should be used in cases where domestic violence is present. It is simply too unrealistic to expect a history of domination and abuse to be transformed as a result of the mediation process. It could, in fact, lead to further abuse. And the cycle of violence that exists in such dynamics may not be understood by the mediator who may then unwittingly participate in the perpetuation of a cycle of domination and abuse, insulated from the public arena where a forceful third party intervention may be needed. There will be many other times when adversarial approaches may be necessary, especially when power imbalances between the parties are simply too great to overcome and when one of the parties is unable to adequately assert their true needs and interests. Because of these concerns, great care needs to be exercised in deciding what types of disputes may be mandated into mediation.



The hope of a progressive model of mediation is that it can be a more effective forum for individuals and groups to be heard, to be understood and respected, that resolution of conflict will respond to the genuine needs and interests of the parties, that individuals or groups are less likely to become co-opted or manipulated as in a traditional adversarial model, that ongoing relationships can be healed or improved, that the parties can become transformed in positive ways by the simple yet profound practice of understanding with empathy, that future relations will be improved without the need for constant adversarial processing, that people will be understood and not stereotyped or demonized, that creative justice-centered resolutions can emerge from conflict, and that lasting transformation and justice can result.



The practice of having parties in conflict share their stories in a non-adversarial setting is particularly valuable for those whose voices rarely get heard, whose concerns are often ignored, who often do not have the social standing to obtain the ear of those more powerful. It is in such non-adversarial settings that the truth may have a greater chance to actually emerge, to enlighten all participants in the process.



We see promise in the pursuit of a progressive mediation practice while trying to be reflective and vigilant about its risks and shortcomings.



Chris Gus Kanios teaches at New College of California School of Law where he served as dean for ten years. He also maintains a neighborhood-based mediation practice with Maria Diana Ramos, who contributed to this article. They are both members of the Center for Guerrilla for Law.



[copyright 1999 Center for Guerrilla Law]



















Subcomandante Marcos Comes to Wall Street

Sounds like a short story taking place somewhere in Latin America or the barrio of New York City but no, it's an article in commondreams.org (building progressive community) from yesterday.

Time to rise up and take back what belongs to all, is what I say.

http://www.commondreams.org/view/2011/10/19-7

Published on Wednesday, October 19, 2011 by CommonDreams.org


Subcomandante Marcos Comes to Wall Street

by César Chelala

I am sitting at a coffee place in San Cristóbal de las Casas, a misty town in Chiapas, in southern Mexico. I am told that occasionally Sub Comandante Marcos, the famed leader of indigenous people in the region, used to come here. I wonder if I will see him, although he has not made a public appearance in more than two years. He doesn’t come— or maybe I didn’t recognize him without his signature ski mask — so I spend my time reflecting on the consequences or legacy of his movement.



Sub Comandante Marcos' movement, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) took its name from Emiliano Zapata, the commander of the Liberation Army of the South during the Mexican revolution which broke out in 1910. The EZLN has largely defied political classification, being mainly a movement seeking to redress the unjust treatment by the government — largely in response to the new world economy — of the country’s indigenous people.



The movement went public in 1994. On January 1st, 3,000 armed insurgents briefly took several towns in Chiapas, including San Cristóbal de las Casas, the residence of the late Chiapas Bishop Samuel Ruiz, an almost legendary figure widely respected by the indigenous people in the state. The goal of the insurgents was to dramatize the harsh living conditions, poverty, and lack of governmental response to Mexico indigenous population’s serious situation, which had deteriorated markedly as Mexico rushed to become a player in the global economy.



In an essay written for Le Monde Diplomatique, Sub Comandante Marcos said that neo liberalism and globalization constitute the “Fourth World War,” since he called the Cold War the “Third World War.” “If the Third World War saw the confrontation of capitalism and socialism on various terrains and with varying degrees of intensity, the fourth will be played out between large financial centers, on a global scale, and at a tremendous and constant intensity,” he wrote.



The violent revolt and capture of Chiapas’ towns was met with fierce government response and ended 12 days later thanks to a ceasefire brokered by Bishop Samuel Ruiz. The Zapatistas took heavy losses and retreated to the jungle where they had come from.



Although the Mexican government allowed Bishop Ruiz to mediate its conflict with the Zapatistas, the government accused the Bishop of being the driving force in the rebellion. Bishop Ruiz, however, always advocated non-violence as a way of resolving conflicts, and repeatedly stated that a spiral of violence, once started, cannot be easily resolved once the weapons stop firing.



“This war was not carried out to shed blood and take power but to be heard. When they [the insurgents] were heard they laid down their weapons and chose the pathway of dialogue,” said Bishop Ruiz in a movie called “A Place Called Chiapas.”



After the clashes with the much superior forces of the Mexican army, the EZLN decided to stop using their weapons, and to put special emphasis on the political solution of the conflict with the Mexican government. Ina 2009 article for Le Monde Diplomatique Sub Comandante Marcos stated, “We don’t want to impose our solutions by force, we want to create a democratic space. We don’t see armed struggle in the classic sense of previous guerrilla wars, that is, as the only way and the only all-powerful truth around which everything is organized. In a war, the decisive thing is not the military confrontation but the politics at stake in the confrontation. We didn’t go to war to kill or be killed. WE went to war in order to be heard.”



Sub Comandante Marcos made it clear that he wanted the government respond to what he saw as legitimate indigenous people’s claims for better education, more and better health services, equal work opportunities, and better roads to the indigenous communities. After the government sent an unprecedented amount of funds to Chiapas, and for what I saw during my visit there, most of these goals have, to an important extent, been accomplished.



However, there are still in Mexico 3.3 million indigenous people still unable to satisfy their basic nutritional needs, according to figures from the Ministry of Social Development. And the 2010 infant mortality rate in 2010 among indigenous people was 22.8 per 1,000 live births, compared to 14.2 per 1,000 live births for the population at large, according to the government’s National Population Council (CONAPO).



Although the Zapatista movement doesn’t have the same goals as the “indignados” in Europe who are now becoming every day more numerous in many U.S. cities, they share the aim for a more egalitarian society, where the greed of the few shouldn’t take precedence of the rights of the many.According to the U.S. Census Bureau one in six Americans were living in poverty last year, a situation that is hitting children the hardest.



“Here in Chiapas we have to speak of before and after Sub Comandante Marcos,” said Gustavo Flores Alfaro, a building engineer from this area. When analyzing the beginning of the Twenty First century perhaps historians will also talk of the situation before and after the “indignados” movement that is taking the world by storm.



César Chelala, MD, PhD, is a co-winner of an Overseas Press Club of America award. He is also the foreign correspondent for Middle East Times International (Australia).



more César Chelala